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One highly effective opposition chief was Laurent Gbagbo, whose Ivorian Popular Front (FPI, Front populaire ivoirien) had long agitated for democratisation beneath Houphouët-Boigny. In November 1994, forward of the 1995 presidential election, Bédié had the National Assembly amend the electoral code to require that presidential candidates must be Ivorian-born with two Ivorian-born dad and mom (the place beforehand just one such mum or dad had been required). It's a multiparty republic with one legislative home; the pinnacle of state and authorities is the president, who may be assisted by the prime minister. Under Bédié, however, the rise of Ivoirité politicised such disputes, making origin and religious affiliation "the prime markers of identity" in Ivory Coast. The first rebel drive within the civil warfare was the new Forces of Ivory Coast (FNCI, Forces nouvelles de Côte d'Ivoire), created in December 2002 as a coalition between the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast (MPCI, Mouvement patriotique de Côte d'Ivoire), the Ivorian Popular Movement of the nice West (MPIGO, Mouvement populaire ivoirien du Grand Ouest), and the Movement for Justice and Peace (MJP, Mouvement pour la justice et la paix). The following 12 months, Security Council Resolution 1528 changed MINUCI with an formidable peacekeeping operation, the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI)

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DUBLIN (Reuters) - Fanduel and Paddy Power owner Flutter said on Wednesday it had bought an initial 51% stake in Serbia’s number two sports betting and gaming operator MaxBet for 141 million euros ($148.Ninety five million) in a bid to expand in the Balkans. Zida additionally dismissed threats from the AU over the two-week deadline at hand energy to civilians, as well as the menace of sanctions if it is ignored. By mid-2007, it comprised just over 9,000 uniformed personnel from greater than 40 international locations. Land disputes have been more and more framed in ethnic phrases, and turned more and more frequent in the late 1990s: Houphouët-Boigny's liberal land policies had extended entry to land to each internal and international migrants, and rising urban unemployment within the nineteen nineties - resulting in back-migration to rural areas - led to intensified competition over fertile land. Thus the political transition to Gbago's authorities did little to ease ethnic tensions

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However, both International Crisis Group and Western intelligence stories gave much less credence to Gbagbo's further accusation that Burkinabé troops had participated instantly in the initial attacks. The International Crisis Group, nonetheless, regarded the allegation as plausible: sources in the Burkinabé authorities reported that arms had been delivered to the rebels by air, and Western intelligence proved that a number of the arms used in the rebels' preliminary attacks had come from the Burkinabé Presidential Guard stocks. Inside Ivory Coast, nevertheless, FPI and authorities supporters regarded the Linas-Marcoussis Accord with hostility. This political change coincided, from the late 1990s, with renewed economic downturn in Ivory Coast, exacerbated by the liberalisation of key agricultural sectors, notably coffee and cocoa, below a global Monetary Fund (IMF) structural adjustment programme. Academic analyses agree that a key root cause of the Ivorian civil battle was the unfold of nativist and xenophobic discourse, its mobilisation by opportunistic politicians, and the resulting ethnic tensions. Sociologist Francis Akindès notes that Ivoirité underneath Bédié had undertones which valorised Akan identity (the ethnic group of both Bédié and Houphouët-Boigny) and Christian identification; but the central variant of Ivoirité was framed as a form of patriotism and used national origin as the measure of "Ivorianness"

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